Secretary-General’s remarks to the General Assembly on his Priorities for 2022 United Nations Secretary-General

The Federal Reserve has promised rules related to scenario analysis exercises for banks, and the Securities and Exchange Commission is crafting rules on climate-related disclosures for publicly traded companies. I want to begin the year by raising five alarms – on COVID-19, global finance, climate action, lawlessness in cyber space, and peace and security. Developed countries, multilateral development banks, private financial institutions and companies with the necessary technical know-how – all need to join forces in these coalitions to deliver needed support at scale and with speed. I want to begin the year by raising five alarms — on COVID-19, global finance, climate action, lawlessness in cyber space, and peace and security.

One of the main functions of the global financial system is to ensure stability, by supporting economies through financial shocks. Governments have also imposed disproportionate restrictions that penalize developing countries — for example, what I described some time ago as “travel apartheid”. There is much to do, but it is worth doing, because regulators are not the only ones who need to come to grips with this comparatively new form of risk.

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They undermine human rights and are a powder keg for social unrest and instability. We can draw inspiration from those with the greatest stakes in the future — young people. As with so many other issues, young people are on the frontlines in pushing for progress. COP-27 in Egypt and the upcoming conferences focusing on biodiversity and oceans will also be important opportunities to protect our planet and all species. Every sector and every industry, including shipping and aviation, must be on a trajectory to reach net zero emissions by 2050. Now is the time for an unprecedented investment surge in renewable energy infrastructure, tripling to $5 trillion dollars annually by 2030.

In each, better global governance is sorely needed to restore fairness, rescue the Sustainable Development Goals, and live up to our commitment to uphold the inherent dignity and the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family. At the same time, every country must strengthen their Nationally Determined Contributions until they collectively deliver the 45 per cent emissions reduction needed by 2030. That is why I am appealing for the creation of coalitions to provide financial and technical support for each of these countries that need assistance. Reforming the global financial architecture requires an operational debt relief and restructuring framework.

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We look forward to developing this with governments, media outlets and regulators. This will reinforce the ongoing coordinated approach on cyber security to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure. The business models of social https://forexarticles.net/the-richest-man-in-babylon-by-george-s-clason/ media companies profit from algorithms that prioritize addiction, outrage and anxiety at the cost of public safety. But growing digital chaos is benefiting the most destructive forces and denying opportunities to ordinary people.

• And I’ve proposed a Global Code of Conduct to end the infodemic and the war on science, and promote integrity in public information, including online.
• The best solution for a given institution depends on its activities and where it operates, but a larger, industry-leading provider is likely to have the most extensive suite of programs, and it should be able to benefit most from economies of scale.
• Yet faced with precisely such a shock – a global pandemic – it has failed the Global South.
• The effort required is extraordinary, but so too are the possibilities for bold action when people work together.

It is too early to define best practices when it comes to modeling climate risk, but certain good practices can be identified. One is transparency; a firm should be clear and open about its model and the scenario choices it employs so that comparisons can be made with others and to generate a sense of trust. Insufficient transparency will open the door for assumptions and accusations about greenwashing, and it will drive up the cost of convergence and standardization of models.

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They do not protect critical global public goods that are intended to support humanity’s wellbeing – from the global economy and finance systems to the health of our planet. Nor are multilateral frameworks delivering on our common aspirations for peace, sustainable development, human rights and dignity for all. We face a 5-alarm global fire that requires the full mobilization of all countries – the COVID-19 pandemic, global finance, climate action, lawlessness in cyber space, and peace and security. My report on Our Common Agenda …offers a roadmap to gather the world together, in solidarity, to address these governance challenges and reinvigorate multilateralism for the 21st century.

The call for financial institutions to provide regulators with more and better data is not aimed just at banks. The Basel Committee on Banking Supervision recently published a document seeking industry input on guidelines, yet to be issued, covering climate risk. Office of the Comptroller of the Currency released a set of principles for large banks on managing climate risk and said there are more on the way.

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A benefit of thinking about the topic this way is that it becomes easier to factor in black swan events, which are inherently harder to capture in conventional risk modeling due to their low probability. Needless to say, combining climate uncertainties with those of financial modeling magnifies the complexity. As we seize the opportunities of the digital world, risks like data misuse, misinformation and cyber-crime are already outpacing any meaningful efforts to address them. Wealthier countries must finally make good on the $100 billion climate finance commitment to developing countries, starting in 2022. It requires boosting the resources of Multilateral Development Banks so they can better support developing economies, both directly and by leveraging private investment. All countries must be able to invest in strong health and education systems, job creation, universal social protection, gender equality and the care economy, and a just transition to renewable energy.

• The sheer number of conflicts I have touched upon is yet more evidence that we spend much more money and resources managing conflicts than on preventing them and building peace.
• The ECB also cautions institutions to account for the green bubble effect, in which assets may be mispriced and capital misallocated because an unrealistic premium is placed on anything perceived to be environmentally beneficial.
• Office of the Comptroller of the Currency released a set of principles for large banks on managing climate risk and said there are more on the way.
• To build a strong recovery, governments need the resources to invest in people and resilience, through national budgets and plans anchored in the Sustainable Development Goals.

In Ukraine, to reduce tensions, and urge that all issues be addressed exclusively through diplomacy. In Yemen, to reach a lasting ceasefire, open access to the country and restart an inclusive political process to end the calamitous seven year-conflict. In Afghanistan, to provide a lifeline of help for the Afghan people, inject cash to avoid an economic meltdown, ensure full respect of international humanitarian law and human rights – particularly for women and girls – and effectively fight terrorism. The first three crises I have laid out — COVID-19, a morally bankrupt financial system, and the climate crisis — represent a triple emergency for developing countries and a triple multiplier of global inequalities. Since the start of the pandemic, I have called for reform of the global financial system to support the needs of developing countries, through an inclusive and transparent process.

In Myanmar, to work for the restoration of democracy, deliver humanitarian aid, and mobilise international support grounded in regional unity. In Israel-Palestine, to encourage parties to refrain from unilateral steps – including settlement expansion and violence – and to help revive the peace process and pave the way to ending the occupation and achieving a viable two-State solution. Through our peacekeeping and peacebuilding capacities, the United Nations will always stand with and protect those who are caught up in the fighting, and work to build stronger, more resilient and peaceful communities. I continue to urge Member States to speed up work on banning lethal autonomous weapons, and to begin considering new governance frameworks for biotechnology and neurotechnology, as I outlined in Our Common Agenda. The Compact will bring together governments, the private sector and civil society to agree on key principles underpinning global digital cooperation.

How to assess climate risk is an open question, especially because climate science is a fairly new undertaking and its methods and findings continue to evolve. It is a question, though, to which supervisory authorities have begun to demand answers. We need to seriously review our priorities and resources across the peace continuum, strengthening investment in prevention and peacebuilding. The sheer number of conflicts I have touched upon is yet more evidence that we spend much more money and resources managing conflicts than on preventing them and building peace.

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The effort required is extraordinary, but so too are the possibilities for bold action when people work together. A strong reliance on renewable energy is crucial to avoiding the present fluctuation in fossil fuel prices. A growing number of countries have committed to significant emissions reductions by 2030. Small island nations, least developed countries, and poor and vulnerable people everywhere, are one shock away from doomsday. In 2022, I will continue pushing for these fundamental reforms, and use the convening power of the United Nations to boost investment in the SDGs.

But according to the rules, the vast majority of those SDRs went to the biggest and richest economies that need them least. Credit ratings agencies are de facto decision-makers in the global financial system. Yet faced with precisely such a shock – a global pandemic – it has failed the Global South. We need all countries and all manufacturers to prioritize vaccine supply to COVAX and create the conditions for the local production of tests, vaccines and treatments in so many countries able to do it around the world. Vaccination rates in high-income countries are seven times higher than in the countries of Africa.